investing in egypt after the revolution african-americans
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Investing in egypt after the revolution african-americans spike in forex

Investing in egypt after the revolution african-americans

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No surprise then that the government loves foreign direct investment but is generally ambivalent about portfolio investment—welcoming it when it flows in and cursing it when it flows out. Having dried out due to the global economic crisis and later the sociopolitical revolution, foreign direct investment inflows successfully recovered in Foreign direct investment comes mainly from the European Union, the United States and the Arab countries.

You will also find much more security on the streets. Investments focus primarily on tourism, construction, telecommunications, financial services, energy and healthcare. General uncertainty and the government. With its sudden announcement of changes in tax laws as in the treatment of bonds by banks or business practices such as printing in the free zone , the government of Egypt has not exhibited a long-term commitment to playing by the rules.

Economies in transition often find it difficult to attract foreign direct investment because a couple of years of economic reform are not a long enough track record to off-set decades of socialist or protectionist policies. Street violence, unrest and turmoil of course played a large role in investor's withdrawal of Egypt. Security has been stepped up. If you drive up to the Suez Canal you will see how much more security is available.

Despite privatizations, the inefficient and loss-making public sector remains ubiquitous in some sectors. Also, the rapid population growth continues to curtail the improvement of the standard of living for Egyptians. In fact, the country registers a delay in its infrastructures in which current investments are not able to make up for.

Other obstacles to investment—which are to be found also in other countries—include excessive bureaucracy, a shortage of skilled labor, and limited access to credit, slow and cumbersome customs procedures and non-tariff trade barriers. In addition, "The problem in the business environment here in Egypt after the revolution is that most of the clerks or the highly placed government officials are afraid to take decisions.

So, decisions are taking too long and this damages the whole business," explained Sameh Attia, Managing Director of Engineering Square Industrial Development Group , the largest industrial developer in Egypt. Despite the negative points listed above, the FDI outlook for Egypt is gradually improving with the new government. Though all the economic sectors are open to domestic and foreign investors, there are some that are especially targeted by the Law, which expressly provides the possibility to execute projects under the BOT Build, Operate, Transfer form, in the agricultural, industry, mining, tourism and hospitality, air travel, off-shore shipping transport, goods transport services, oil prospection and drilling, infrastructures more specifically for drinking water conveyance, roads, housing and used water recycling sectors.

Just as Egypt and Israel still have fundamental national interests in maintaining their peace treaty, Egypt and the United States still have fundamental common interests in regional security, counterterrorism, non-proliferation, and Arab-Israeli peace. Egyptians have suffered greatly from Islamist terrorism , and in polls they reject violence against civilians at a higher rate than any country in the world.

Egyptians have suffered greatly from war — Arab-Israeli wars, but also other conflicts in their neighborhood. They know that The Camp David treaty has brought their people thirty-five years of peace, and they want the benefits that regional peace brings. Egypt has been a stalwart opponent of nuclear proliferation. These common interests, widely shared by Egyptians and Americans, have sustained our partnership over the years — not some crass quid pro quo.

And the basic ingredients of a cooperative relationship are still in place — as our swift and effective cooperation to resolve the Gaza crisis last November proved. We must not assume that we know who will come out on top of this messy transition. At the heart of the Egyptian revolution, the deeper trends that produced it, and the aspiration of Egyptians for democracy, is a strategic opportunity for the United States — to build a stronger, more reliable and more equitable partnership, with an Egyptian government that is rooted in the consent of the Egyptian people and is accountable to them.

We can do so while holding firm to our principles and our interests. We must not lose this opportunity, which may be a once-in-a-generation event. As the Arab Awakening demonstrated clearly, such stability that will only come about through the establishment of more open, participatory, accountable government that treats its citizens with dignity and works diligently to offer them real opportunities. Whatever daunting economic and social problems they are facing, Egyptians have made clear that they want to solve those problems through decisions made by a democratic system.

We should support that goal wholeheartedly and help them build the institutions and the social infrastructure that will help democracy emerge, thrive, and deliver for Egyptians. As you know well, where democracy and democratic freedoms are valued, the world also gains in security. Democracies give people a stake in their governance and weaken the appeal of those who call for violence.

A democratic Egypt will be a stronger partner for the United States in advancing our shared interests in security, stability, and prosperity for the region and the world. Rather, we must reach across the political spectrum, and engage broadly with Egyptian society, to explain who we are, what we want, and what we can offer, and to make the case — together with those Egyptians who feel similarly — for a strong US-Egyptian partnership.

Because of decades of repression, many have little experience in the give-and-take of democratic politics, and little acquaintance with the interests at the heart of US engagement in the country and the region. Political winners and losers are both appealing to Washington for support, and condemning American interference — sometimes at the same time. The winners produced in both cases include actors with questionable commitments to democracy, much less to the values and interests the United States holds dear.

We need to support a pluralist political system where the Egyptian people continue to have real choices, and where political parties can compete openly and speak freely. Free and fair elections can only occur where basic political rights are respected, including free speech, free assembly, and free association.

The president and ruling party have no business restricting these rights, certainly not in the runup to the parliamentary elections. We also need to engage broadly with the full array of peaceful political actors — to make clear through deeds and words that we have not anointed anyone as our chosen partner in Egypt. And we need to articulate our principles and interests for all parties to see: that we respect the outcomes of free and fair elections, and that we expect parties who claim to be democratic to hold firm to certain basic ideas: they must reject violence, commit to equal citizenship and equality under the law, and protect political pluralism.

A year ago, I told this subcommittee that it was important for the United States to remain engaged with political actors across the spectrum in Egypt, including the newly elected parliamentarians from the Muslim Brotherhood. Looking at the situation today, almost exactly a year later, I see some troubling indicators. Writing on Islamist parties in , I laid out four key criteria by which to evaluate whether these groups could be constructive participants in a democratic process.

Whether they rejected violence as a means to achieve their political goals, whether they accepted the equality of all citizens regardless of gender or religion, whether they accepted political pluralism and alternation of power, and whether they insisted on a role for religious authorities in overseeing the outcomes of a democratic political process.

By those lights, the Brotherhood today raises concern. The Brotherhood has proceeded in a manner that reveals real ambivalence about legal equality for all citizens; and a readiness to allow review of legislation by unelected religious officials — though a resistance to mandatory review as proposed by Salafi parties.

The constitution ultimately drafted largely by Brotherhood and Salafi representatives subsumes individual rights to state authority, is dangerously weak on the rights of women and girls, and distinguishes harmfully between religions receiving full recognition and protection, and others that are not considered so deserving.

Most troubling of all, as documented by human rights groups during the December clashes at the presidential palace, and as reported in recent weeks, the Brotherhood and President Morsi have evidenced a willingness to condone and cover up the use of violence and torture by party cadres and by the internal security services against opposition activists and journalists — shockingly, the same tactics Mubarak used against the Brotherhood and other opponents of the old regime.

We should communicate these concerns consistently and at the highest levels. And they may well win the next elections. They are a sizeable force in Egyptian politics not only because they are well-funded and well-organized and well-disciplined, but because they appear to represent some significant constituency among Egyptian citizens.

They may not win forever — but we cannot ignore them or wish them away. What we can do is make clear that their electoral victory does not absolve them of these basic obligations to democratic rules and norms — not if they want to be recognized, and they most certainly do, as democratically legitimate in Egypt and on the global stage. This is our real leverage — that the Brotherhood-led government wants our recognition, and seeks our partnership.

But we should also make clear that engagement does not mean endorsement. And we can support, with all the tools at our disposal, those in Egypt working to hold the elected government accountable, those supporting and defending human rights, and those working to build the strong institutions, vibrant civil society, and pluralistic political system that will ensure the Brotherhood will face real competition from other voices.

But as the constitutional crisis and the failure to achieve a deal with IMF shows, on policy issues of the greatest importance, a majority is not enough — wider political consensus is necessary to ensure that decisions have enough support to stick, and provide a sound foundation on which to build the institutions of a new democracy.

This is a bitter lesson for those who may feel that they have waited decades in the wilderness for their chance to rule. But Egypt after the revolution will never again be a place where any party or president can rule unconstrained. With time, and in an environment where human rights are respected, this pluralism will be reflected in elections.

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Direct investment from the Arab world increased during this time period. However, on the whole, investment from the Arab world remains only a small percentage of Egypt's FDI, compared to that from the E. Despite the media and political uproar about the American support of the Egyptian economy after the revolution, the U. Newly established companies depend heavily on Egyptian capital which represents In larger investment rounds, foreign investments jump to The top five sources of foreign investment in Egypt from were: U.

All the information you need to navigate Mena's startup ecosystem Sign up to receive our weekly digest of stories, op-eds, events and more updates. First Name. With revenue improving so quickly, the tourism industry is getting back on its feet and it looks promising. As of this year, the real estate market has been growing, with demand rising for both Egyptian homebuyers and for foreign homebuyers.

With the currency fluctuation and the drop in the value of the Egyptian pound, the real estate market has shown itself to be a sound place to invest, where your asset is less likely to drop in value. Foreigners are allowed to buy property in Egypt, but they cannot buy more than two pieces of real estate, and those two pieces of real estate cannot exceed 4, square meters in size. Their purpose must be for a family member to live in the property and they cannot be sold or rented for five years.

After the revolution in which Egyptian dictator, Hosni Mubarak, was unseated and tens of thousands of Egyptians gathered in an uprising against the government, a tumultuous transitional period took place. Activists continued to protest and the next elected leader, Mohammed Morsi, was also pushed from power in Since then, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the man who led the coup against Morsi, has been the next elected president of the country.

Fattah el-Sisi has been said to be even worse than Mubarak when it comes to suppressing the people so that they may not protest or even speak against the government in any way. Most of the faces of those who took part in the uprising are now in prison. If Egypt is calling to you because of its culture, outside of the political landscape, the real estate market is probably the best place to invest. I hope you enjoyed reading this article: Investment Options in Egypt.

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African Americans are not Egyptians

There are two main ways a foreigner can invest in Egypt: portfolio investment (e.g. stocks and bonds) and foreign direct investment (or FDI. Foreign investment in Egypt deteriorated after the revolution from to 2 USD % for Sub-Saharan Africa and % for North and Central Europe. The Revolution affected investment in Egyptian markets and reforming business laws has become essential to restore confidence in Egyptian.